Higher education: The threat to autonomy grows
Following the publication of the final
report of the National Commission on Higher Education (NCHE] in
December, 1996 [see Focus Letter 5], the Green Paper on Higher
Education is now out. Essentially it means more of the same.
The Green Paper adopts the model of co-operative governance and the
buzzwords of 'co-responsibility with multiple interest groups,
interdependence, participation, shared accountability and
responsibility' form the golden thread that links this latest policy
document published by the Department of Education to its
predecessors.
The Green Paper claims that the Ministry will be limited to a
'steering and co-ordinating role' in shaping higher education policy,
but the modified proposals still contain all the centralising and
interventionist tendencies that were present in earlier NCHE
recommendations. Clearly, only lip-service is being paid to genuine
diversity and institutional autonomy. Instead of allowing market forces
to diversify higher education by allowing institutions themselves to
sell what they are good at and therefore determine their own niche
markets, the heavy hand of government control and interference
remains.
Academic freedom and institutional autonomy continue to be linked to
and curtailed by new funding proposals, which means that institutions
will have to shape their programmes to meet national educational equity
goals set out by government. In future, failure to produce
comprehensive three year strategic plans, supported by key performance
indicators, as evidence of an institution's intent to meet national
goals (including equity goals), will deprive them of funding.
Institutional autonomy is further curtailed by the fact that all
university curricula will have to be approved by the South African
Qualifications Authority [SAQA]. SAQA in turn will be. responsible for
the development of the National Qualifications Authority [NQF] which
aims to provide a single framework for the whole of higher
education.
Second, the Higher Education Quality Council [HEQC] is to be set up as
an independent body to ensure 'accountability and value for money' in
the higher education sector. Internal peer review of all institutions
will no longer be the sole mechanism to maintain quality and
performance. Evaluation of the performance of an institution will be
undertaken at national level and the function of the HEQC will be to
undertake institutional audits monitoring performance within
institutions.
The Ministry will also have the power to make an independent
assessment of any institution whenever it deems it necessary. In such a
case - perhaps occasioned by campus unrest or by suspected
mismanagement or corruption - the Minister will have power to appoint
assessors responsible only to him to probe the situation at any
institution he chooses. The assessors will be powerful inquisitors with
the ability to command whatever information they require - and they
will report only to the Minister.
It may well be that the special commission of inquiry currently
charged with reporting on the troubled University of Durban-Westville
has served as a model for this proposal [see Helen Suzman Foundation,
KwaZulu-Natal Briefing No 4 for the story of the UDW saga]. It
certainly gives the Minister power of intervention greater than even
his heavy-handed National Party predecessors thought it proper to take
- and in the often timorous world of academe the very existence of such
powers of intervention will have a pre-emptive effect.
The Council on Higher
Education
A single new advisory body, the Council on Higher Education [CHE] is
proposed by the Green Paper, thus amalgamating the two recommended
advisory bodies into one.
The CHE is to be supported by a small secretariat and will provide
'independent, strategic advice' to the Minister. However, the Minister
will set out the budgetary and policy parameters within which the
Graduation joy. But as universities are weakened, what will their
degrees be worth?
Council must operate and the council will act only at the discretion
of the Minister when formal advice on specific issues is needed
[something of the flavour of the CHE's functions is conveyed in its
duty to 'devise strategies to overcome barriers to
transformation'].
Moreover, the Minister will have the final say over all appointments
to the CHE [there will be 19 members representing all 'stakeholders'].
The Minister also assumes ultimate responsibility for all decisions
taken on higher education transformation and as such will control the
activities of the CHE -fatally compromising its promised
independence.
In the unlikely event that he should not approve of any
recommendations proposed by the council, the Minister can override its
advice.
The Branch of Higher
Education
The Green Paper accepts the NCHE's recommendation that the Ministry's
new Branch of Higher Education should be strengthened both in terms of
its areas of responsibility and in its
personnel. Its consolidated functions appear to be an amalgamation of
the functions originally assigned to a variety of other bureaucracies.
The branch will become the financial nerve-centre of the higher
education system, overseeing the allocation of resources to
institutions, including redress funds and the establishment of the
financial aid scheme for disadvantaged students, as well as the
development of a performance indicator system.
Finally, the Ministry recommends that the model of co-operative
governance should be applied to all higher education institutions. What
this basically means is the proliferation of forums and governing
structures with worker, student and community representation tending to
marginalise and weaken the position of administrators and academic
faculty.
This recommendation is remarkable not only in its sheer
interventionism but for the fact that the universities and technikons
that have gone furthest down the road to this form of governance tend
to be those in the greatest mess. No notice is taken of this.
Conclusion
It is clear that the objections raised by specialists in higher
education to the NCHE proposals have not been dealt with adequately. It
was widely known that the NCHE proposals on governance were the weakest
of all the recommendations it put forward, and yet the Green Paper
appears largely to have ignored earlier constructive criticisms.
Thus the Green Paper proposals seem certain to result in the further
erosion of institutional autonomy. In addition, proposals for a
complex, new, and inefficient bureaucracy, although scaled down in
size, are still in the pipeline. The CHE will quite clearly be a
further example of a state patronage body in which the politically
correct give advice to the already politically correct - at
considerable public expense. It must be stressed again that with these
proposals South Africa is moving away from models that have worked well
in the rest of the world and towards a system of governance of
parochial origin with a poor track record to date.