Aids notification
One of Dr Nkosazana Zuma’s last acts as
minister of health was to announce in the Government Gazette of April
23 her intention to declare Aids a notifiable disease. Although this
policy has qualified support from the other political parties, Aids
activists and specialists have always vehemently opposed it. Zuma
solved this by the simple expedient of sacking her Aids advisers. Now
the demoralised workers in this field have been given new heart: a
government U-turn on its notification policy seems highly likely.
Judge Edwin Cameron, who has courageously declared that he is HIV
positive, traces the origin of the idea of compulsory Aids notification
in South Africa to a remarkably ironic source: Dr Amanda Holmshaw, who
was, as the judge points out, “the [white] head of the apartheid
government’s Aids unit”. In 1991, Holmshaw argued that squeamishness
about patients’ right to confidentiality was seriously hindering the
fight against the disease and was, in any case, irrelevant to African
social conditions where “Western-style notions of individualism” did
not apply.
The notion that confidentiality about HIV status and Aids was,
perhaps, not applicable in Africa was raised again by Dr Olive Shisana,
the director-general of the health department, at a meeting of the
Southern African Development Community in December 1996. She argued
that SADC countries needed to “discuss with our communities whether our
restrictive policy on disclosure was hindering or enabling the spread
of HIV infection”. Shisana did, though, express concern about whether
disclosure might expose women to violence and insisted that an open
disclosure policy should be accompanied by legislative and other
measures to prevent discrimination against HIV positive people.
This cautious proposal was greeted with considerable protest from Aids
activists, but with approval by Dr Nthato Motlana — the Mandela family
doctor, clinic owner and former executive director of New Africa
Investments — and on the editorial page of the Sowetan. In September
1997, Zuma announced in Parliament her intention to declare Aids
notifiable, but following further opposition — in particular from the
Law Commission’s committee on HIV/Aids (chaired by Edwin Cameron) — the
regulation did not make its way into the Government Gazette until April
this year.
One of Zuma’s dismissed advisors Mary Crewe, now director of the
Centre for the Study of Aids at Pretoria University, believes that the
health minister forged ahead with the policy in the face of opposition
because she was under increasing pressure to be seen to be “doing
something” about the epidemic. Crewe suspects that the minister felt
increasingly beleaguered and distrustful of outside advice on HIV/Aids
policy. It is not surprising that the legendarily forthright and
stubborn Zuma should turn to the bluntest possible version of a policy
which was known to be popular, seemed attractively “Africanist” and
would definitely be seen as doing something.
Her proposed regulation is far-reaching. It obliges medical
practitioners on diagnosing someone as suffering from Aids, not just to
inform both local and national health authorities, but to give “any
available information concerning the probable place and source of
infection”. The doctors are further required to inform the patients’
carers and immediate family members and to warn people “responsible for
the preparation of the body” that the corpse in their charge is an Aids
victim.
Zuma argued that the proposed regulation would have many benefits
including:
• creating greater public awareness — large numbers of people would be
officially informed that their relatives or partners have Aids, which
should help to spread accurate information about the disease;
• encouraging people to modify their sexual and other behaviour in
ways likely to slow the spread of the epidemic;
• protecting health care workers and caregivers from the risk of
accidental infection associated with caring for people with Aids
without knowing that they are infected;
• providing the department of health with the mass data that it needs
to track the course of the disease, discover the kinds of opportunistic
infections with which Aids is associated, plan and budget with
increased accuracy for the bed-space and equipment requirements created
by the epidemic, and create Aids education campaigns precisely targeted
at particularly vulnerable groups.
At first sight, these regulations seem, perhaps, a little invasive and
ghoulish — but given the severity of the Aids epidemic and the
virulence of the disease, eminently sensible and necessary. But when
the head of the health department’s Aids directorate, Dr Nothemba
“Nono” Simelela spoke to a meeting of Aids activists and experts,
business and trade union representatives on the subject in Pretoria on
July 22 she emphasised that the directorate would greatly welcome
further input, particularly written submissions. At the same time she
detailed some of the objections to the notification regulations that
the department had already received.
First among these comes from the health department’s own lawyers, in
whose opinion the new regulations are vulnerable to legal challenges.
The Supreme Court of Appeal, South Africa’s highest court on
non-constitutional matters, has ruled that doctors’duty to keep their
Aids patients’ illness confidential is an integral part of their
professional obligations and that failure to do so is actionable. All
South African courts are bound by this precedent. There is also a good
chance that the Constitutional Court would find them incompatible with
sections 10 (the right to dignity) and 14 (privacy) of the
Constitution.
Simelela, a senior lecturer in obstetrics and gynaecology at Medunsa
before moving to the directorate last December, then admitted that the
department had not carried out a cost-benefit analysis of the
notification proposal. She had no idea how much it would cost or
whether the information gathered would be of any real use either to
health planners or to doctors in the wards of the big hospitals or to
nurses in rural clinics. She doubted whether it was appropriate to try
to “relegate responsibility for our sexual drives to a government, to
laws”.
On the issue of caregiver and family notification, she noted that the
policy had been formulated before the murder of Gugu Dlamini — a
KwaMashu Aids activist who was been beaten to death by local youths in
December last year after she had publicly declared that she was
HIV-positive. Simelela worried about how young children would feel when
they were officially notified that their mothers were soon to die of
Aids and that their own chances of seeing their teens were no better
than even. She did not feel confident that rural primary health nurses
would be willing or able not to tell “the rest of the village” once
they had been informed — as the regulations would require — who had
Aids. Simelela, concluded by repeating her request for further policy
input from NGOs and other interest groups or, to put it another way,
for more ammunition against the draft regulations Zuma had bequeathed
her.
From the distinctly frosty atmosphere at the outset of the meeting,
the room visibly thawed as Simelela spoke and at the end of her talk
she was very warmly applauded indeed. Questions were then called for.
From an inconspicuous seat at the back of the room rose the
distinguished and beautifully dressed form of Dr Nthato Motlana,
evidently attending the meeting in his capacity as chairman of the
South African Business Council on Aids. He began by asking the director
to repeat herself from the beginning. The public address system had not
been very loud, it was true, but Motlana gave more the impression of
someone who simply could not believe his ears.
Simelela obligingly started to re-state her position, but was soon
interrupted by Motlana, advocating a notification system considerably
more draconian even than that proposed by Zuma’s draft regulations.
South Africa, he said, was in a very serious crisis and it had to be
confronted. There had been enough pussy-footing around, enough of being
influenced by “these human rights activists” with their politically
correct insistence on the confidentiality of one’s HIV status. We had
to come to grips with the Aids epidemic and one of the most effective
ways of doing this was through notification not just of Aids but HIV
status as well. As he put it, “South Africa must bloody well know” if
someone was infected with the human immuno-deficiency virus. There
should be compulsory testing of every South African for HIV status and
the names and addresses of those infected should be a matter of public
record. “Employers and everyone else” had the right to know.
He was reminded, he said, of the correct approach to syphilis,
according to which a man diagnosed with the disease was required to
inform the medical authorities of the names and addresses of all his
sexual partners, who were in turn traced, notified, required to reveal
their sexual histories, admonished and treated. HIV and Aids should be
handled in a similar manner.
Simelela made several attempts to reply to Motlana’s points, but was
so repeatedly interrupted by him that the audience became visibly
restive. One trade unionist murmured, “that old man is out of order.”
While attempting to pacify Motlana and when she could get a word in
edgeways, Simelela raised her final argument against any form of
notification of HIV positivity: it seems unethical to tell people when
little or nothing can be done for those infected.
Eventually, while exhibiting the greatest respect for his age and
eminence and by indicating where she agreed with him (at least in
principle), Simelela was able to regain control of the meeting. “Chief”
as she called Motlana, was eventually pacified and left soon after.
Apart from providing a brief but intriguing glimpse at some of the
tensions concerning age and gender among the African upper-middle
class, this incident also dramatised and personalised the difficulties
which surround the issue of Aids notification. The Motlana-Simelela
dispute reflects a much wider and deeper set of disagreements about
Aids notification and Aids policy in general.
At present dysentery, typhoid, tuberculosis, diphtheria, meningitis,
bubonic plague, cholera and Ebola-type fevers are all notifiable
diseases in South Africa. The virulent form of dysentery known as
shigella killed at least three children in Cape Town’s Gugulethu
township in mid-July. In such situations doctors are required to inform
the public health authorities immediately on diagnosing the first
cases. This triggers a chain of administrative action (quarantines,
mass disinfections etc) that, if carried out quickly and efficiently,
can save many lives.
HIV infection and Aids are not at all like dysentery or cholera, which
are highly contagious and have fairly brief latency periods between
infection and showing symptoms. The human immuno-deficiency virus
itself is not particularly contagious. Once infected it takes on
average seven years for the virus to wear the victim’s immune system
down to the point where he or she stops feeling perfectly well and
starts exhibiting Aids symptoms. This incontrovertible medical fact
makes Zuma’s intention to declare Aids a notifiable disease impossible
to understand except in political terms.
As the health department’s own educational material reiterates, HIV
infection can generally be avoided simply by using condoms. It is
important not to be too glib about this: many South African women are
not free to avoid risky sex, and rape victims, babies infected in the
womb, medical staff badly cut during operations, and the rare
recipients of contaminated blood transfusions should never be
forgotten.
The data gathered from doctors would tell the health bureaucrats only
what they already know. As Aids expert Professor Brian Williams of the
Centre for Scientific and Industrial Reasearch exclaims in
exasperation, graphs and projections in hand, “We have known exactly
what is going to happen for the last five years.”
South Africa already has two reliable sources of information on
current HIV infection rates and hence, future Aids trends. Women
attending ante-natal clinics are routinely tested for HIV infection.
This provides a broad statistical base with which to work. Of course,
the raw data is biased — everyone tested is, by definition, female,
sexually active and fertile, but this can be corrected using data
gathered from “sentinel sites”, communities in which detailed
questionnaire and clinical research is undertaken over a period of
years. Sentinel site testing is performed in towns and hospitals across
South Africa, the best-known being the West Rand mining town of
Carletonville and Hlabisa, in rural KwaZulu-Natal.
If any statistical gaps need to be filled, it is far easier, simpler
and cheaper to set up another sentinel site, or to modify
questionnaires than it would be to create a national notification
system for Aids. In fact there are sound reasons to believe that making
the presence of HIV infection or Aids itself notifiable will provide
the health department with false reassurance.
Writing in the South African Medical Journal in February, Dr Mark
Colvin reports that doctors’ experience of using notification data to
attempt to get to the truth about the incidence of a disease has been
“dismal”. The country’s leading notification expert, Dr Salim Abdool
Karim of the Medical Research Council, has established that seven times
more people in South Africa have Hepatitis B than the notification data
suggests. There are twelve times more cases of syphilis in Johannesburg
than are notified. If the notification figures are to be believed,
tuberculosis cases in KwaZulu-Natal have declined 40 per cent in the
last four years — a most satisfactory headline. The Hlabisa sentinel
site suggests, by contrast, that there has been a 278 per cent increase
in the incidence of TB. If statistics derived from notification were
used to plan for TB care, enormous human suffering would result. In the
case of Aids, the inaccuracy would be even greater.
The international experience strongly suggests the existence of a
widespread tendency to avoid Aids testing and care when the disease is
made notifiable. A decade ago, most western countries adopted forms of
Aids notification. In Sweden, that paragon of public and private
tolerance, the policy resulted in a 30 per cent drop in attendance at
clinics where HIV testing was done. In Illinois, the decline was 22 per
cent. A somewhat larger drop than in Stockholm or Chicago seems
inevitable in Soweto.
The stigma of Aids cannot be underestimated. Two out of three HIV
positive South Africans are women; Their husbands and boyfriends are
notoriously among the most violent — and sexually hypocritical — in the
world. A sense of the views held by far too many South African men may
be gathered from one of the men interviewed about sexual morality by
the Saturday Star in May. Asked why he did not use condoms when having
sex with either his wife or his girlfriend, he explained that, “I am a
man. Men can do this. If a woman sleeps around, she is a bitch.”
Although Williams argues that such attitudes are probably less common
than press reports suggest, he or any other Aids expert will confirm
that many women fear being forced to reveal their HIV status to their
men.
Take Joyce Malope, whose story was first told in the Sunday
Independent in November last year. She is 27. Three years ago, she was
abducted and raped. She contracted HIV from the rapist. Her husband, on
being told this news, abandoned her and her two children. So great was
her shame that she tried to burn herself to death. It was only on being
admitted to hospital as a result of her suicide attempt that she
received any Aids counselling. She became an Aids councillor
herself.
An Aids hospice built with community help and business support near
Richards Bay was opened with considerable local fanfare, but for
months, nobody at all came. The managers then removed the word Aids
from the name of hospice and admitted some elderly stroke victims. From
that day onwards, its beds have been full of people dying of
Aids.
Zuma’s additional claim that the data gathered from Aids notification
would enable the department of health to plan and budget for Aids
patients’ specific needs is also almost entirely implausible. There is
not much mystery about which opportunistic infections batten on to
people whose immune systems HIV has destroyed. In South Africa, the
most common is tuberculosis. The others are also well-known and fall
into two categories: incurable, like brain tumours, or capable of being
controlled, like candidiasis. What is needed are painkillers and
antibiotics.
The demands that notification would place on the already overstretched
hospital doctors and nurses in rural primary health care would be
enormous. Some 1,500 people are found to be HIV positive in South
Africa every day. That is a lot of forms. Officially notifying
caregivers and family that a person is dying of Aids would usually
amount to no more than a rather cruel turn of the screw for both
patient and family. In too many cases, the family or husband’s reaction
would be violent anger directed against patient and doctor rather than
just sorrow and a sense of humiliation. Little is gained and much lost
in the way of humanity from someone in a white coat being obliged by
the state ritually to hammer home what is all too obvious.
Ruling out notification in South Africa now does not mean it should
not be introduced at some future date. In most developed countries HIV
notification has come back into favour in the last few years. In
Australia, in many states of the US and the European Union, systems of
named notification and even partner tracing now operate with, generally
speaking, the complete acceptance of HIV positive people and Aids
workers. The most obvious reason for this change is the wide
availability in the rich world of effective anti-HIV drugs, which have
transformed HIV/Aids from an invariably fatal disease into a serious,
but manageable, chronic condition. Better-off South Africans benefit
too.
By contrast, as Newsweek discovered, Nigel Hoffman of the Rietvlei
Hospital in the Eastern Cape has decided not even to tell his
underprivileged patients of the existence of these drugs — which
knowledge would just make their last months even more painful.
But there is more to the rich world’s return to notification than this
advance in medical technology. Social attitudes in those countries have
come a long way since the “gay plague” terror of the 1980s. Legislation
is in place — for example, the Americans with Disabilities Act — that
outlaws discrimination against those who are HIV positive. More
importantly, social attitudes have become increasingly tolerant of
them. This is the result of aggressive education campaigns, but it is
also a matter of statistics. In the rich world, HIV/Aids is no longer
spreading rapidly, but has been around long enough to cease causing
hysteria. It is just one of life’s more unpleasant features. South
Africa cannot expect to be in this comparatively fortunate situation
for decades.
Zuma’s instinct to “get something done” in a dramatic way is surely
right, but there are measures other than notification with which to
provide the anti-Aids campaign with energy, direction and real hope.
One, already often suggested by Aids workers and politicians, is to
encourage and reward high-profile declarations of HIV positivity.
Perhaps agreeing to a confidential HIV test should be accompanied by a
straight cash reward or, as Simelela thinks, consideration for a
disability grant. Perhaps an obligation to pass a written test on Aids
awareness should be a requirement for all school-leavers, or should
accompany the eye-test that goes with getting a drivers’ licence or
having it renewed. Perhaps, as Williams suggests, prostitution should
be completely legalised and very thoroughly regulated.
Moves in these directions would let dispirited Aids workers know that
they have real political support in sharp contrast to the drift and
diversions of the past five years. At the moment, notification of any
sort is not something on which South Africa should waste time and
money, but getting the country into a situation where useful HIV/Aids
notification would become possible is a very worthy goal.